(Davis et al. 283-306)
The separation of State and the Church implies, in principle, the recognition of the existence of a separate and independent civil society of the State. Second, is a relative notion between two realities which require the State to define precisely, especially with legal or political disputes? It is the State and not the Church, which is required to define the scope and limits of secularism. (Davis et al. pp283-306)
As noted by the "Boston Globe" (09/10/00) in the first debate between George Bush and Republican candidate Al Gore echoed the words of John Paul II by declaring that as president he would try to reduce abortion and promote a "culture of life." While not all viewers realized the origin of the phrase, certainly for the Catholics words sounded familiar. The two candidates are fighting to win the support of Catholics. Although traditionally used the Catholic vote for the Democratic Party, in the eighties and many changed in favor of Republicans. However many Catholics are attracted to the Democrats, because they perceive the party as closer to them on issues of social justice and economy. On the other hand the radical position in favor of abortion in all circumstances of the Democratic Party is a factor that benefits the Republicans. (Hoggart, p117-28)
During his campaign Bush is trying to promote his pro-life, but it mildly, not to lose the votes of the center. While Gore confirmed its position in favor of abortion, the abortion pills RU-486 and the principle that women should be totally free to decide whether to abortion or not. In addition, Gore advocates that abortion by decapitation practiced in the last stage of pregnancy. In fact, the radically pro-abortion position Gore was discussed in an article "National Catholic Register" (Can Catholics Vote for Gore) that analyzes whether Catholics can in good conscience vote for him.
The newspaper noted that even the Democratic candidate said to be legal to execute a woman who is pregnant. Richard Doerflinger, a spokesman for the pro-life office of the bishops Americans, said the bishops are not supporting any political candidate, nor are they willing to make public trials linking a particular issue with a recommendation to vote for or against a candidate.
However, some bishops, as Bishop William Murphy, vicar general of the diocese of Boston, and Archbishop Elden Curtis, of Omaha, have openly criticized the pro-abortion Democratic Party. Two major pro-abortion organizations have already announced that invest funds in the campaign to help Gore. As reported by the "Pro-Life Infonet" (9/26/00) NARAL (National Abortion and Reproductive Rights League) will spend five million dollars in fifteen states for the presidential election. Also seek to influence the choice of Congress and Senate candidates. The group has a list of pro-life enemies, who will be subject to a special effort against them.
NARAL hopes to contact more two million voters with flyers and phone calls mobilize them to vote for candidates who support abortion. Another organization that enters into the struggle is Planned Parenthood, owner of the largest chain of abortion clinics in the country. As reported by Reuters Planned Parenthood will spend ten million dollars in campaign against Bush. Meanwhile, in state legislatures and Congress politicians continue to promote pro-life laws to defend life.
In Congress according to the "Pro-Life Infonet" (9/26/00), has voted for a bill to protect the life of the child born after a failed attempt at abortion. In this way the child would be treated under the law as a person and would not be lawful to kill him. Congress passed the bill by 380 votes to 15. Proponents of proposal explained that it was necessary because some decisions. Supreme Court where the judges noted that the government interest in protecting the unborn child is related to the point where the baby can survive independently of the mother. One promoters of the law, Rep. Charles Canady, said it was crucial to affirm the principle that a child born alive must receive full protection of the law. (Baird, p197-216)
On the other hand, the campaign for the legalization of abortion, that is to say increasing the number of abortions, is inspired by the Malthusian and the increases contraception and legal abortion and clandestine. It remains one of the main arguments. Officially, that is to say properly medically speaking, an act so poorly done clandestinely and thus a mortality and higher morbidity and implicit conclusion would be abolished.
According to these statistics liberalization is no longer a way to remove illegal abortions but allowed to persist, legal abortion in addition to them and does not replace them. This can not satisfy those who sincerely want to eliminate abortions and may not meet the Malthusians who want above all to practice hundreds of thousands of additional abortions and to reduce all the U.S. birth rate, for all abortion removes a child.
The Supreme Court decision of 1973 removed the barriers to abortion established in the legislation of individual States. It was not therefore a decriminalization in certain cases, as in most European legislation, but an inviolable constitutional law, criminal law that States must respect, without limiting its exercise. (Lind, p45-48)
It is a constitutional right and therefore, the legislature (both federal and federal) should be respected. Despite this, some states began to limit, for example, by requiring parental consent and/or when the pregnant mother is a minor. This happens because in most states, although there are cases of fraud: mothers Mississippi state (where the consent of both parents) who take their daughters to Alabama (where just the only one). Widespread is also the legal requirement to request advice from a specialist, which often includes a period of reflection for the abortion decision.
Randy Alcorn Prolife, Answers to Prochoice Arguments. Sisters, OR: Multnomah, 2000.
Linda J. Beckman and S. Marie Harvey, eds., The New Civil War: The Psychology, Culture, and Politics of Abortion. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 1998.
James F. Bohan, The House of Atreus: Abortion as a Human Rights Issue. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999: pp76-78.
Leslie Bonavoglia, ed. The Choices We Made: Twenty-five Women and Men Speak Out About Abortion. New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 2001: pp45-57.
Baird, Barbara, "The Self-Aborting Woman?, Australian Feminist Studies, 13, 28, Oct, 1998, pp. 323-37.
Baird, Barbara, "Abortion, Questions, Ethics, Embodiment?, History Workshop Journal, 52, 2001, pp. 197-216.
Baird, Barbara, "Maternity, Whiteness and National Identity: the Case of Abortion?, Australian Feminist Studies, 21, 50, July 2006, 2006, pp. 197-221.
Davis, Gayle and Roger Davidson, Big White Chief Pontius Pilot, and the Plumber: the Impact of the 1967 Abortion Act on the Scottish Medical Community, C. 1967-1980, Social History of Medicine, 18, 2, Aug 2005, pp. 283-306.
Falconer, Louise. The Mother Country and Her Colonial Progeny?, Law Text Culture, 7, 2003, pp. 149-85.
Fisher, Kate, "Uncertain Aims and Tacit Negotiations: Birth Control Practices in Britain, Population…